Using the code sheet start and end numbers plus one formula is a simple approach to calculating the range of polling stations especially in big administrative and electoral boundaries such as region, district and constituency. It is also applicable to electoral areas and units which are small in size.
It is a quick means to an end without missing the mark. It has merits of simplicity, flexibility and verifiability and prima facie evidence of code sheet range of polling stations. This is achievable and results oriented once the start and end numbers of code sheets within the delimitation areas are determined.
With the 2020 presidential elections over shadowing the parliamentary elections, the role of Independent candidates and Independent votes with high influential effects on marginal votes of the leading political parties at the parliamentary level seem to be marginalized and relegated to the background. This research work and study are meant to look at the implications and effects of Independent votes on party votes of the NPP and NDC parliamentary candidates and its future election benefits or election deficits for safe seats or unsafe seats.
This is premised on the Independent votes and the two parties’ marginal votes’ theory specifically designed to ensure transparent, verifiable, justifiable and accurate data analysis and results alongside other nomination and election results theories. Introspection and implications of data variables are analyzed to get accurate results in a typical pre – elections, elections and post elections scenario.
DEMOCRACY QUOTES
Abraham Lincoln: Stand with anybody that stands right, stand with him while he is right and part with him when he goes wrong.
Abraham Lincoln: Democracy is government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
Winston Churchill: Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time. This statement is said to be justified after the British people voted him out from his position as Prime Minister within months of winning the Second World War.
Ghana practices a two round balloting system that leads to show ballot positions of Presidential Candidates and Parliamentary Candidates. In the electoral system before the election year 2000, ballot positions were determined primarily on first come first serve basis at the Office of the Electoral Commission (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2010:38). That is day and time of presentation and acceptance of nomination forms played the major role in apportioning ballot positions, and this reflected in the 1992 and 1996 General Elections.
However, the Electoral Commission introduced the balloting system of picking ballot positions for the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. This one way practice was also used for determining ballot positions for Presidential and Parliamentary Candidates in the 2004, 2008, 2012 and 2016 General Elections.
To improve the balloting system in Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, the Electoral Commission adopted the two round balloting system in 2020. This was purposed driven to instill confidence in the election process and political parties, and independent candidates.
Electoral reforms are public desires and expectations to bring about changes and improvement in the electoral system. Electoral system is therefore the institutions and structures that operate within the parameters of the political system that lead to the conduct of national elections where votes translate into seats and representation. Key variables centre on the electoral formulae such as plurality, majoritarian, proportional representation and mixed proportional representation (International IDEA:5).
Electoral reforms in Ghana are not a recent phenomenon but progressive over the years to address challenging areas in the electoral system. They occur alongside political reforms as a result of the friendly partnership between the electoral system and the political system. The symbiotic theory of electoral reforms attests to this assertion with much investigative work to be done to emphasize the connection between the two giants of democracy or refute on the basis of no significance connection in established and emerging democracies.
This is a historical perspective of office tenure of Ghana’s Electoral Commission Members between 1957 and 2023. It shows the strong influence of the Political System over the Electoral System. The beauty of it is the belief and consolidation of Ghana’s democracy in the 4th Republican constitution. Since 1993, the democratic road has been the driving force in the appointment of Commission Members under Article 70 (2) of the 1992 constitution.
OFFICE TENURE OF GHANA’S ELECTORAL COMMISSION MEMBERS
Elizabeth Solomon, Mrs. Theresa Cole and Professor Ernest Dumor
Retired in 2004
Member
Dr. M . K. Puni
Died in June 2005
4th Chairperson
Mrs. Jean Adukwei Mensa
July 2018 – present
Deputy Chairman (OPS)
Mr. Samuel Tettey
July 2018 – present
Deputy Chairman (C/S)
Dr. Bossman Asare
July 2018 – present
Member
Ms Adwoa Asuama Abrefa
July 2018 – present
Member
Hajia Salima Ahmed Tijani
March 2023 – present
Member
Rev. Akua Ofori-Boateng
March 2023 – present
Member
Dr Peter Appiahene
March 2023 – present
Ghana’s political system has had a direct correlation on the electoral system. Historical events have shown that the colonial government, multi – party politics and military governments dictated greatly the state of the electoral system and choice of Electoral Commissioners over the years.
Colonial government and military governments have had the same stake in placing the Electoral Commission under the ministry of Local Governments as pertained from 1957 – 1968 and 1972 –1978.
Besides, sole Commissioners were also appointed by military governments to head the Election Management Body as pertained from 1968 – 1972 and from 1972 – 1974.
The Six (6) year period of the country being a republic, and short intervals of democratic rule between 1969 and 1972 and 1979 and 1981 can be termed as lack of independent roles of the E.M.B.
The period between 1979 and 1984 recorded military and civilian administration of the Electoral Commission with Justice Kingsley Nyinah in the helm of affairs. He was replaced with Justice D.F. Annan in 1984 and was in office until 1992.
The Interim National Electoral Commission was instituted in 1992 and conducted the 11th April referendum on the adoption of the new constitution, Presidential Elections on 3rd November, 1992 and 29th December, 1992. It had a Chairman, Deputy Chairman, Operations, Deputy Chairman, Finance and Administration and other members.
It is only the 4th republic in 1993 that a true democratic environment and culture was nurtured and a true reflection of the independent role of the E.M.B achieved to the satisfaction of Stakeholders. The Thirty Three (33) years of practicing democracy has evolved sound democratic structures like judicial interpretations and enforcement of electoral laws and rights of the voter. The formation of Inter Party Advisory Committee (I.P.A.C) in 1994 has not been a threat to Article 46 of the 1992 constitution but rather resulted in sound electoral reforms with positive impact in the electoral system like the introduction of biometric technology since the 2012 electoral process.
The longevity of the 4th republic has enabled the E.M.B and other Stakeholders to assess the litmus test of Management role in managing the E.M.B as specified in Articles 45 and 46 of the 1992 Constitution and the Electoral Commission Act of 1993 (Act 451) and the Electoral Commission (Amendment) Act of 2003 without outside controls.
As a policy making body of the E.M.B, the structure of appointment, retirement and succession has been implemented fully to ensure the continuous function of Management in accordance with Articles 70 (2) and 44 of the 1992 Constitution and the Electoral Commission Act, 1993, Act 451.
Nana Kwaku Duodu blog 